Written by: Maite Sastre

A new social protest has taken over the internet and divided opinions. The 4B movement was born in South Korea out of a combination of previous Korean digital feminism initiatives. Proponents of this protest preach the 4Bs, or 4 No’s: no heterosexual sex (Korean: 비섹스; bisekseu), no heterosexual dating (Korean: 비연애; biyeonae), no heterosexual marriage ​​(Korean: 비혼; bihon), and no childbearing (Korean: 비출산; bichulsan). A lot of members also sport shorter haircuts and no make-up in order to defy ever-narrowing beauty standards.

The movement gained traction in 2019, along with the MeToo movement in the West, and recently it reached social media apps like TikTok and Instagram. Although it’s not clear exactly how many participants it has as many have chosen to remain anonymous, it’s estimated somewhere between 5,000 and 50,000. On social media apps, people have been giving their opinion about this form of social protest and while a lot show support for it, many others see it as too radical.

People who disagree with the movement often point towards South Korea’s extremely low birth rates. The United Nations found in 2020 that the average woman has just 1.1 children, which has become worrisome as it will not be able to keep up with its aging population and economy, creating a looming threat of a demographic crisis.

There are many reasons why the 4B movement has grown so much in Korea. The three main ones are clear: the culture has always been and remains very conservative, so the idea of women being inferior is constantly perpetuated; the large inequality in economic power between Korean men and women; and the increasingly worrisome rates of gender-based violence.

I. Cultural perpetuation of discrimination

South Korea culture has continued to uphold very conservative values throughout the years. A lot of Koreans still carry traditional Confucian patriarchal values in their day to day, which leads to women often being treated as inferior to their male partners, colleagues, and family members.

Confucianism teaches ideas of social hierarchy and harmony through philosophical and ethical lenses. Usually, through a Confucianist’s point of view, everyone in society has a role to fulfill and, historically, the role of women has been being mothers and housewives. This has made their entry into the workforce more difficult and left them with little control over their lives.

In fact, a paper by the Gettysburg college points out that “the only direct reference to women in the Analects of Confucius can be interpreted as very demeaning: ‘Women and small [minded] people are hard to deal with…’”

These values also usually make it so women’s lives are very reliant upon their reputations, which define their access to employment, friendships, relationships and almost all parts of their lives. An intangible image of “sexual purity” becomes a central goal in the lives of girls who wish to thrive in traditional Confucian societies.

II. Economic gap

South Korea also has an ever-growing issue with gender-pay inequality. In 2023, the World Economic Forum found in their yearly Global Gender Gap Index that Korea was the 105th country with the widest gender-pay gap out of 146 total. In fact, when compared with 2022, the country fell 7 spots in women’s educational attainment (from 97th to 104th place) and 16 in political empowerment (from 72nd to 88th place).

As the divide between men’s and women’s access to wages, education and political power widens, more women become outraged by the situation and by their counterparts’ apparent inability to recognize these struggles.

III. Gender-based violence

In 2018, tensions over gender-based digital violence came to a boiling point and tens of thousands of Korean women took their grievances to the streets in a series of six protests in Seoul, where they held up signs with phrases like “My life is not your porn,” and “Are we not human?”

The epidemic of digital sex crimes continues to grow every year and its victims are overwhelmingly women (80% in cases involving spycams), while the overwhelming majority of perpetrators are men (98%). The protests broke out when a woman received a jail sentence for distributing nude pictures of a man after so many men had gone free for the same crime.

There are two more prevalent types of digital sex crimes: spycam crimes, where the perpetrator obtains the images without the knowledge of the victim by putting small cameras in bathrooms and changing rooms or hiding them during sexual activity, and distribution of images obtained with or without consent or artificially fabricated. Spycam crimes are often linked to distribution, because the men behind the spycam tend to post/share the illegal content they created. However, distribution goes further than spycams because if the photos were taken consensually but distributed nonconsensually or if they were fabricated with artificial intelligence platforms and distributed, it is still a digital sex crime. Many women feel discouraged to date men for fear that sexual partners will leak intimate photos or videos.

The Korean Herald reported that more than 240,000 illegally produced and distributed sexual photos and videos were deleted in 2023 by anti-digital sex crime organizations – an increase of 30,855 from the year before.

But digital sex crimes are not the only type of gender-based violence that continues to grow in Korea. Infamously, in February of 2022, a woman was physically assaulted and almost raped by a man in Busan. The man had a large list of prior convictions, but judges decided to lighten his sentence from the asked 35 years to 20 years, which the victim attributed to the assailant’s familial background. The incident was nicknamed the “roundhouse kick” incident and gained special attention after the victim made an online posting titled “I’ll be dead in 12 years”; discussing her fear of being murdered once her aggressor gets released.

A survey by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family conducted a survey in Korea in 2016 and found that the incidence of intimate-partner violence was at 41.5 percent, significantly higher than the global average of 30 percent. Women feel unsafe not only because of the high rates of gender based violence, but also because courts continue to take mitigating factors into account when imposing sentences. Many see dating as an extremely high risk activity and to the proponents of the 4B movement, the reward does not outweigh the possibility of harm.

IV. Social Media

Last but not least, the 4B movement experienced an astronomical spur as popular creators on social media apps like TikTok have gotten wind of it. They have used their platforms to share their opinions on it and often interact within each other, spreading the ideas of the movement all over the world.

TikTok creator Mandy (@pottymouthpollyanna) responded to another creator’s video, who claimed that the 4B movement was evil and an attack against men. Mandy stitched his video, rebutting that the creator should actually turn his anger toward other men as the whole reason why the movement is catching the attention of so many women is because it resonates with their lived experience. The video amassed over a hundred thousand likes.

However, not everything online is always accurate. South Korean creator Anna Lee (@jyannalee on TikTok) claims that the 4B movement is not as strong in Korea as people online are making it seem. She claims that it’s a small sector of the population who thinks that way, that many women are still looking to get married and that because of that matchmaking programs in Korea are still very popular.

In the end, a majority of videos made by women and shared on the app seem to be in support of the movement. Even those who were previously unaware of it expressed agreement with the ideas and sentiments shared by the women who are a part of it. Some even have pledged to become a part of it in countries outside Korea.

 

Citations
Barr, Heather. “‘My Life Is Not Your Porn.’” Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Watch, 2 Aug. 2023, www.hrw.org/report/2021/06/16/my-life-not-your-porn/digital-sex-crimes-south-korea.

Craddock, Danny S. “The Asian Five Dragons: What’s the Relationship of Confucianism and Gender Inequality? .” The Cupola Scholarship at Gettysburg College, Gettysburg College, 2022, cupola.gettysburg.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1771&context=student_scholarship.

“Global Gender Gap Report 2023.” World Economic Forum, June 2023, www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2023.pdf.

Ji-hyoung, Son. “Is S. Korea Dangerous for Women?” The Korea Herald, The Korea Herald, 26 Sept. 2023, www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20230926000525.

Jun-hee, Park. “Over 240,000 Illegal Sexual Photos, Videos Deleted This Year.” The Korea Herald, The Korea Herald, 29 Dec. 2023, www.koreaherald.com/view.phpud=20231229000456#:~:text=Over%20240%2C000%20illegally%20produced%20and,deleted%20between%20January%20and%20Dec.

Kim, Soojeong. “Predictors and Consequences of Intimate Partner Violence Impacting Korean Women.” The University of Texas at Austin, Aug. 2022, repositories.lib.utexas.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/2db0cb7c-47c4-4d26-87b1-63b029625b03/content.

Lih Yi, Beh. “No Sex, No Babies: South Korea’s Emerging Feminists Reject Marriage | Reuters.” Reuters, 20 Jan. 2020, www.reuters.com/article/us-southkorea-women-rights-idUSKBN1ZJ02Z/.

TikTok, uploaded by Mandy (@pottymouthpollyanna), 05 April 2024,

@pottymouthpollyanna

You seem confused. Welcome to the find out part of this game. We’re done. We’ve had enough. Go complain to someone who cares.

♬ original sound – Mandy ♥️


&_t=8lZUxlAzRfu.

TikTok, uploaded by Anna Lee (@jyannalee), 31 March 2024,

@jyannalee

thanks to my friend @Annie Nova for making this video! The 4b movement is not as big in Korea as y’all think it is #korea #seoul #4bmovement #livinginkorea #southkorea

♬ original sound – Anna Lee – Anna Lee


75ckEE.

TikTok, uploaded by The News Movement (@thenewsmovement), 11 April 2024,

@thenewsmovement

South Korea’s feminist 4B movement started in 2019 but is blowing up all over again. No heterosexual marriage, no childbirth, no dating men and no heterosexual sexual relationships. It’s about the radical rejecting of traditional gender norms. So how did it start, what does it mean and is it really impacting the country’s birth rates? #4b #4bmovementsouthkorea #4bmovement

♬ original sound – The News Movement

Written by Zethu Tiffany Manana

Restorative justice offers a glimmer of hope amidst the complexities of juvenile justice systems and societal challenges. Traditional punitive methods have been the mainstay of dealing with minor infractions for many years. But things are changing; restorative justice for youth is a revolutionary new approach that puts healing, responsibility, and reconciliation first. Beyond being just a legal idea, restorative justice is a movement, a philosophy, and a technique. Its fundamental tenet is the deep conviction that every person (even those who have broken social norms) is entitled to dignity. Restorative justice, as opposed to punishment, aims to make amends for the wrongs done, attend to the needs of all parties involved, and promote understanding and a sense of community.

The potential of restorative justice to empower the youth is among its most alluring features. Young people who are subjected to traditional punitive measures frequently feel stigmatised, alone, and cut off from society. As an attempt to remedy this, restorative practices provide them a chance to own up to their mistakes, comprehend the repercussions of their behaviour, and actively engage in making amends. Young offenders are not only held accountable but also given the chance to grow and learn from their mistakes through dialogue, mediation, and restitution. Furthermore, restorative justice acknowledges the complexity of crime and how it affects victims, perpetrators, families, and communities. Victims are not marginalised; rather they are positioned at the centre of the process, having their experiences validated and their needs for healing, closure, and restitution met. In the wake of harm, restorative justice has the ability to rebuild trust, empathy, and human connection by promoting meaningful communication between victims and offenders. Restorative practices assist in ending the cycle of crime and violence by addressing the root causes of delinquent behaviour, such as trauma, substance abuse, or socioeconomic inequality. In addition, the focus on community involvement and support systems gives young people the tools and direction they need to reintegrate into society as contributing members of society.

Restorative justice, however, does have certain drawbacks and restrictions in addition to its obvious advantages. Its widespread adoption is still hampered by institutional resistance, resource limitations, and implementation hurdles.Furthermore, there are worries about the possibility of coercion, injustice, and retraumatisation during restorative procedures, particularly for vulnerable groups like young people of colour or those from low-income families. Changing policies, involving the community, conducting continuous research and evaluation, and other multimodal strategies are all necessary to meet these challenges. We can guarantee the efficient and moral application of restorative practices by funding restorative justice training for educators, law enforcement officials, and juvenile justice specialists. In addition, we can establish a juvenile justice system that is more compassionate and just by pushing for legislative modifications that give rehabilitation and diversion precedence over incarceration.

In conclusion, for young people, restorative justice is a move away from traditional punitive measures and towards accountability, healing, and reconciliation. By giving young people the chance to own up to their mistakes and grow from them via forgiveness and reconciliation. Nonetheless, obstacles like resource limitations and institutional resistance continue to exist. It will take continued research, community involvement, and policy reforms to overcome these challenges. In the end, adopting restorative justice could lead to the development of a juvenile justice system that is just and compassionate.

In today’s rapidly evolving world, the professional landscape of work environments has become a focal point of discussion. There seems to be a shift in how the newer generations perceive and engage with work that may be catalyzed by technological advancements, a shift in societal values, and a change in perspective of what is important in one’s life. This essay seeks to explore the evolving dynamics of work environments, expectations, challenges, and opportunities encountered by the newer generations while dealing with existing traditional work structures.

Flexibility and Work-Life Balance

The traditional nine-to-five work model is becoming increasingly undesirable in the eyes of the newer generations, who prioritize flexibility and work-life balance. Remote work, flexible hours, and autonomy in managing one’s schedule have become essential considerations for newer generations when evaluating potential employers. Companies that allow employees to work from anywhere in the world have become more appealing and are likely to attract more youth employees as compared to those with rigid traditional structures. These are defined as more diverse and acknowledging the need of their employees to achieve a harmonious balance between their professional and personal lives.

However, with this flexibility comes the challenge of maintaining boundaries between work and personal life. The widespread use of technology blurs these boundaries, making it increasingly difficult to disconnect. As digital natives, newer generations are constantly connected and may be expected to be responsive at all hours. This constant connectivity can lead to burnout and decreased productivity if not managed effectively.

Moreover, newer generations have seen the rise of the gig economy, freelance work and redefined traditional employment models. The newer generation values autonomy and entrepreneurial opportunities thus often opting for freelance or contract work over traditional employment. This shift may reflect their desire for independence and the ability to pursue diverse interests and passions.

The Quest for Meaningful Work

In an age marked by social and environmental consciousness, younger generations seek more than just a paycheck – they crave purpose, meaning and opportunities for personal and professional growth. This is unlike older generations for whom job stability and financial security often took precedence. Companies that align their mission with broader societal and environmental concerns attract a young workforce passionate about making a positive impact beyond the confines of traditional business metrics and inspire a sense of fulfillment among employees.

Embracing Diversity and Inclusion

The younger generations place a high value on diversity, equity, and inclusion in the workplace. They seek environments where their voices are heard, perspectives are valued, and their differences are celebrated. Modern work environments and companies such as Google and Microsoft have championed initiatives that recognize the inherent value of a multifaceted workforce, promote cultural awareness and sensitivity.By embracing diversity as a source of strength, organizations create vibrant and inclusive work environments where individuals from all backgrounds can thrive and contribute their fullest potential.

Technology as a Catalyst for Change

As digital natives, technology lies at the heart of the newer generations and is an integral part of our lives. This requires a modern work environment to adopt it as a catalyst for innovation and collaboration. Platforms like Slack and Trello have revolutionized communication and
project management, breaking down barriers and enabling seamless collaboration across geographies. Moreover, advancements in artificial intelligence and automation are reshaping the nature of work itself, ushering in an era of digital transformation. Newer generations harness the power of technology to streamline processes, drive efficiency, and unlock new opportunities for growth.

Challenges in the Modern Workforce

Despite the strides towards creating more inclusive and flexible work environments, challenges persist for the newer generations. One such challenge is the struggle to find meaningful work that aligns with their values and aspirations. Young generations seek purpose-driven careers that allow them to make a positive impact on society, rather than merely chasing financial rewards. This narrows down their work options as some of the companies have not yet made adjustments that align with such a cause.

Additionally, the competitive nature of the job market presents obstacles for young professionals entering the workforce. Many companies require extensive experience for entry-level positions, creating a situation where new graduates struggle to gain experience without first securing employment.

Furthermore, the multigenerational workforce poses unique challenges in terms of communication and collaboration. Bridging the generation gap requires empathy, open-mindedness, and a willingness to learn from each other’s perspectives which may at times be hard to achieve.

Adaptation and Innovation

Despite these challenges, the newer generations are reshaping work environments through adaptation and innovation. Companies like Google, Facebook, and Microsoft are leading the way in creating dynamic workplaces that prioritize employee well-being and creativity. Similarly, startups and small businesses are embracing agile methodologies and flat organizational structures to promote collaboration and innovation. By empowering employees to take ownership of their projects and ideas, these companies are able to harness the full potential of their teams.

Moreover, the rise of remote work and digital nomadism has opened up new possibilities for location-independent careers. There are Platforms that connect freelancers with clients worldwide, enabling individuals to work from anywhere with an internet connection.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the relationship between work environments and the newer generations is a complex and dynamic one. While we value flexibility, autonomy, and purpose-driven work, we also face challenges such as burnout, job market competitiveness, and intergenerational
communication barriers. However, through adaptation and innovation, we are reshaping the future of work, seeking meaningful work, creating inclusive, collaborative, and fulfilling environments that cater to the diverse needs of employees. Companies that understand and adapt to these evolving dynamics will not only attract top talent but also position themselves for long-term success in an ever-changing global marketplace. As we navigate this evolving landscape, it is essential to prioritize empathy, flexibility, and continuous learning to foster a workplace culture that empowers all generations to thrive.

As I sit down to write this article, I am reminded of the winding path that brought me to where I am today—a recipient of a sanctuary scholarship at the University of Birmingham. My journey, like that of many asylum seekers in the UK, has been marked by uncertainty, resilience, and a relentless pursuit of education in the face of formidable barriers. Arriving in the UK as an asylum seeker, I found myself navigating a complex and often unforgiving system. The asylum process, with its bureaucratic hurdles and prolonged waiting periods, tested my patience and resolve. There were many days where thoughts of giving up on my dream to become a lawyer rang loud in my ears. Yet, amidst the uncertainty, there was a glimmer of hope—a sanctuary scholarship offered by the University of Birmingham, providing a lifeline to pursue higher education despite my precarious immigration status.

The sanctuary scholarship has not only eased the financial burden of tuition fees but has also provided invaluable support and guidance as I embark on my academic journey. Through this scholarship, my dream of becoming a lawyer no longer feels out of reach. Furthermore, sanctuary scholars in the university are treated just like all other students. This has led to me finding a sense of belonging within the university community—a sanctuary within a sanctuary, so to speak. My experience as a sanctuary scholarship recipient opened my eyes to the systemic barriers that asylum seekers face in accessing higher education in the UK. From the prohibition on accessing student finance to language barriers and social isolation, the obstacles are manifold and often overwhelming. Most asylum seekers are not even aware that there are scholarship opportunities to fund higher education for them in the UK, and those that do are met with the harsh reality of the scarcity of these scholarships. I was lucky to be selected amongst 5 students that the University of Birmingham selected for the scholarship. Not many are as fortunate as I was.

The journey of an asylum seeker is one of courage and tenacity, shaped by the harrowing experiences that compel individuals to seek refuge in foreign lands. Yet, upon arrival, they are met with a system that often fails to recognize their inherent worth and potential. Asylum seekers are frequently denied access to higher education due to restrictive policies and entrenched prejudice, perpetuating cycles of exclusion and marginalization. One of the most significant barriers faced by asylum seekers is the prohibition on accessing student finance—a fundamental obstacle that limits their ability to pursue higher education. Without financial support, many aspiring scholars are left with no recourse but to abandon their educational aspirations, consigned to the margins of society. Language barriers further compound the challenges faced by asylum seekers, particularly those who have fled conflict and persecution in their homelands. Without adequate support for language acquisition, individuals may struggle to engage with academic coursework effectively, impeding their integration into university communities. Social and cultural isolation also loom large over the lives of asylum seekers, who often find themselves navigating unfamiliar terrain without the support networks that are essential for academic success. The transition to a new country can be daunting, compounded by feelings of alienation and otherness that inhibit individuals’ ability to fully participate and thrive.

Despite these challenges, initiatives such as sanctuary scholarships offer a glimmer of hope for asylum seekers seeking to pursue higher education in the UK. By providing financial assistance and tailored support services, universities can play a crucial role in breaking down barriers and fostering inclusive learning environments where all students can thrive. Yet, the fight for educational equity is far from over. As a society, we must confront the systemic injustices that perpetuate inequality and exclusion, advocating for policy reforms that recognize the rights of asylum seekers to access higher education on an equal footing with their peers. My journey as a sanctuary scholar has taught me that education is not merely a privilege but a fundamental human right—one that must be afforded to all, regardless of immigration status. As I continue my academic pursuits, I remain committed to advocating for a more just and inclusive society where the promise of education shines bright for all who seek it.

In conclusion, the struggle of asylum seekers to access higher education in the UK is a testament to the resilience and determination of individuals who refuse to be defined by their circumstances. Through collective action and unwavering commitment, we can break down barriers and create a more just and inclusive educational landscape where all students have the opportunity to fulfil their potential and pursue their dreams.

Author: Noor Etienne-Richards

As ‘Black History Month’ 2023 comes to a close, this article aims to critically analyse the current state of Black History Month. ‘Black History Month’ in the UK is a powerful display of the contributions made by Black people to history, art, politics, science and much more. However, the authenticity and impact of ‘Black History Month’ are greatly limited in two core ways: Firstly, our understanding of Black history is too often focused on events directly linked to Western colonisation, such as slavery and the American civil rights movement. This in no way encapsulates the richness of Black African history before imperialism. Secondly, superficial celebrations of ‘Black History Month’ can often act as a guise to sweep to one side the real problems disproportionately affecting the Black community. With this article, I hope to inspire a deeper understanding of Black history in a way which is not directly linked to imperialism. I will also discuss how to make Black History Month far more meaningful by having real conversations with the aim of repairing cultural and racial harms.

As a brief sidenote, it is important to clarify what is meant by ‘Black’. The concept of ‘race’ and ‘racism’ was a product of the European Enlightenment period from the 17th – 18th century ​(Bouie, 2018)​. This period promoted a colour coordinated method to determine the value of humans, thus humans were grouped based on superficial phenotypical characteristics and placed on a hierarchical scale of least valuable to most valuable.  Thus, in many ways the term ‘Black’ may be considered a term without real meaning, referring to the visible similarities in skin tone but disregarding the differences in histories, cultures, and experiences. Nevertheless, in this article, when the words ‘Black’ or ‘Black history’ are used, I am specifically referring to those of African descent and African History, and within the first section, the terms are referenced to touch on history before the interception of colonisation.

The origins of ‘Black History Month’

The origins of ‘Black History Month’ (BHM) stem from the U.S. and was started by African American Historian, Carter G. Woodson. It initially began as ‘Negro History Week’ and was a way to recognise the contributions made by African Americans to U.S. history. This later developed into a month in 1976 ​(History, 2010)​. This celebration later travelled to the UK and was implemented by Akyaaba Addai-Sebo in 1987 and is celebrated every year in October with the aim of facilitating an understanding of Africa and those of African descent​ (Enahoro, 2023)​. Similarly, to other weekly and monthly celebrations of marginalised communities, BHM recognises the achievements and journeys of prominent Black figures. It gives us the opportunity to celebrate multiculturalism and diversity. It also gives space for deeper intersectional analyses of humans and the history of humanity which can help to explain the differences in our own experiences and how we perceive the world.

‘Black History Month’ in Practice

Although in theory, the intention behind BHM is positive, this is not always well translated in practice. This is due in many ways to a lack of genuine knowledge and understanding of the community that is being celebrated.  In an ethnographic study of the treatment of Black students during BHM, Doharty found the experience was not as positive as one might initially assume. Black students faced a combination of micro- invalidation, micro-insults, and micro-assaults. Doharty argues that this was a clear reflection of the wider societal structures that frequently uphold similar responses to marginalised communities ​(Doharty, 2019)​. There is also the element of a lack of knowledge surrounding how to teach and communicate ideas around Black and African history. 74% of primary and secondary schools ‘do not’ or ‘rarely’ teach Black British History ​(Siblon, 2005)​. Thus, in recent years BHM has become a superficial display of support for mainstream Black (often African American) political figures such as Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks. It is important to highlight this is not necessarily bad because these are people who should be celebrated for their tireless work in promoting human rights. However, this can become harmful in two ways: a) when the celebration is limited in scope, and b) when the celebration is paired with inaction.

The Issues surrounding ‘Black History Month’ 

BHM does not go far or deep enough into Black history. It references Black history in the confined bounds of violence and struggles at the hands of dominant capitalist imperialist ideology, thus ignoring the true richness of African history.  For example, many people have no knowledge of the Dogon people in Mali who had extensive cosmological knowledge about the Sirius star system, which later became known to the Western world ​(Nwabueze, 2022)​.  During the 15th and 16th century the city of Timbuktu was a hub of world leading research and a religious centre. Timbuktu held a plethora of schools and universities teaching Islamic studies, medicine, mathematics, astrology, and law ​(National Geographic, 2023)​.  Another example of the unknown abundance of African history is the powerful Kush Kingdom located in Nubia which lasted for over 14,00 years. The Kush people were massively successful traders, and the Kush Kingdom was rich in gold, emerald mines, ivory, incense, and farmland ​(Sikainga, Collins, Spaulding, Al-Shahi, & Sabr, 1999)​. These brief examples show the extensive depth of Black African history, most of which is unknown to the large majority of people, and never reaches wider society, even during BHM.

The second way BHM can be problematic is when it is used as a celebratory facade to distract from real harms plaguing the Black community. Often BHM can be used as a screen which suggests that because there have been significant strides made in Black civil rights, we magically live in a utopic society where racism, both, institutionally and individually, do not exist. Sadly, this is not case. The ground-breaking Lammy review shed light on the disproportionate treatment of Black people throughout the criminal justice system ​(Lammy, 2017)​. Black men specifically are disproportionately and significantly more likely to be arrested and imprisoned compared to their British White counterparts ​(Lammy, 2017)​. There is evidence of institutional racism within the Metropolitan police department ​(MacPherson, 1999)​. This creates feelings of distrust towards core institutions and results in these communities feeling marginalised. Similarly in Education, there is a vast amount of evidence of teacher’s negative assumptions and perceptions of Black children tied to their race, leading to their underachievement ​(Gillborn & Mirza, 2000)​. Shockingly, these problems tied to structural racism can even be found in the healthcare system, with Black women being 3.7 times more likely to die during childbirth than their White counterparts ​(MBRRACE-UK, 2022)​.  Researchers argue this could be due to unconscious bias, stereotyping, and gaps in communication ​(American Heart Association News, 2019).

Therefore, when discussing BHM, we must not ignore the very real problems that exist in the world today. Reforms must be made in the form of laws, policies, and changes to the way we view the world and each other. Just because positive steps have been made, does not mean equality exists. This is applicable to any marginalised minority groups which have a time period devoted to celebration – the celebration is fundamentally diminished if it is paired with the complacency of both minority and majority groups.  The difficult question becomes ‘how can we make ‘Black History Month’ even more meaningful?’ It is clearly a massive obstacle to overcome, however a step in the right direction can be found in the core principles of restorative justice. Most notably, the teachings of restorative justice can help us facilitate genuine conversations and listen to the real voices of those who are impacted and the steps necessary to repair the harms experienced historically and now.

Bibliography

American Heart Association News. (2019, February 20). Why Are Black Women at Such High Risk of Dying From Pregnancy Complications? Retrieved from American Heart Association: https://www.heart.org/en/news/2019/02/20/why-are-black-women-at-such-high-risk-of-dying-from-pregnancy-complications

Bouie, J. (2018, June 5). The Enlightenment’s Dark Side: How the Enlightenment created modern race thinking, and why we should confront it. Retrieved from Slate: https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/06/taking-the-enlightenment-seriously-requires-talking-about-race.html

Doharty, N. (2019). ‘I FELT DEAD’: Applying a Racial Microaggressions Framework to Black Students’ Experiences of Black History Month and Black History. Race Ethnicity and Education 22(1), 110-129.

Enahoro, N. (2023, September 27). Akyaaba Addai-Sebo: the shocking conversation that led him to start UK Black History Month. Retrieved from The Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/sep/27/akyaaba-addai-sebo-the-shocking-conversation-that-led-him-to-start-uk-black-history-month

Gillborn, D., & Mirza, H. S. (2000). Educational Inequality: Mapping race, class and gender – A synthesis of research evidence. London.

History. (2010, January 14). Black History Month. Retrieved from History: https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/black-history-month

Lammy, D. (2017). The Lammy Review: An independent review into the treatment of, and outcomes for, Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic individuals in the Criminal Justice System. London: Lammy Review.

MacPherson, S. W. (1999). The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. London.

MBRRACE-UK. (2022). Saving Lives, Improving Mothers’ Care: Lessons learned to inform maternity care from the UK and Ireland Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Deaths and Morbidity 2018-20. Oxford: National Perinatal Epidemiology.

National Geographic. (2023, October 19). A Guide to Timbuktu. Retrieved from National Geographic: https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/guide-timbuktu/

Nwabueze, T. (2022, December 27). The Dogon People of Mali and Their Connections to the Stars. Retrieved from Linkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/dogon-people-mali-connection-stars-temidayo-nwabueze-1f/

Siblon, J. (2005). Black is also British: An investigation into the needs and opportunities for developing Black British history within the schools curriculum in Northamptonshire. Northamptonshire Black History Project and University College Northampton.

Sikainga, A. A., Collins, R., Spaulding, J., Al-Shahi, A., & Sabr, M. e. (1999, January 25). The Kingdom of Kush. Retrieved from Britannica: https://www.britannica.com/place/Sudan/Ismail-Pasha-and-the-growth-of-European-influence

Author: Upasana (Sana)

A vibrant world of Black Culture

With the fervor of Black History Month underpinning London life, it is an exciting time to be involved with the many activities and events taking place to recognise, acknowledge and raise awareness about black lives and diverse ways of being.  

When I walked into the Black cultural market in Brixton on a Saturday morning, I was ready for this. I was ready to encounter new narratives, ideas, art, and culture that would add new dimensions to the way I think of identities and nations and broaden my understanding of the world around me. I left that evening with a lot to ponder about, and the importance of carrying on the ethos of engaging with diverse histories.  

Challenging single narratives  

I stopped at the book stall. The book covers were vibrant and colourful with images of black women and men, and maps of different African countries. This felt different and new, making me pause to think of the absence of these books around me.   

All throughout my childhood I was exposed to Euro-American authors. Blonde hair and blue-eyed characters would bake scones, pluck apples, play in the snow and had dogs named Charlie. I loved these stories, they took me to worlds that were new to me, introducing me to different names, faces, places and words. But that was all I was ever exposed to. In school and college, sociological theories, psychological frameworks and therapeutic models were largely Western, taking me along the same path, with the same story. While my passion for the arts and humanities was only strengthened, somewhere at the back of my mind there was a constant murmur. A voice compelling me to look beyond these stories (Adichie, 2009).  

‘I always felt that I looked so different from the characters in the story,’ said Natasha1, author of one of the books at the bookstall. Born and brought up in London to Jamaican immigrant parents, Natasha grew up reading British authors. While she is British and connects with the culture, she was always looking for answers to her identity. ‘What is Jamaica like? Why do I never read about it in stories? I had so many questions,’ she said.  

I resonated with Natasha. Both of us were looking for different narratives introducing us to alternative ways of being, including the diversity in Euro-American countries, which are equally culturally vibrant. To move away from the single narratives she grew up on and introduce readers to the pluralities in histories and cultures, Natasha started writing children’s books on Jamaica. ‘This book is a beginning, to encourage other authors of colour to write, to tell different stories, introduce new voices and celebrate diversity.’ 

Power and empowerment  

Underlying the celebration of Black History Month and the narration of stories, is the idea of power. Black voices have been silenced for decades because of dominant power structures. One set of actors were in a position to dictate who deserves basic rights, whose voice matters and who continues being in a position of authority over others (Carty-Williams, 2020). Some stories are silenced and marginalized, while others continue to shape knowledge and life worlds.  

To address this power imbalance and create more equitable spaces for voices to flourish, initiatives like Natasha’s help in reclaiming silenced histories and untold stories. It empowers and humanises black culture and people to break free of the years of disrespect and rejection. The very possibility of owning one’s story and having the ability to freely write, speak and publish is often beyond the imagination of these communities, a distant dream. ‘Even if I write children’s stories, they are powerful,’ said Natasha. A whole new generation of young people exposed to these narratives will be sensitised towards diversity and inclusion and accept and respect cultural differences.  

Beyond Black History Month: Transcending Hope

I walked back home, deeply reflecting on all the authors and stories I had missed out on. But equally, I left with a sense of hope and liberation. The Black History Month had opened a window of opportunity to people like Natasha who wanted to initiate change and make a difference to the everyday realities of communities. A single story can be powerful, but multiple, plural and diverse stories are empowering and liberating. I only hope this ethos continues and we continue to engage with alternative histories beyond the Black History Month, because that is the journey to meaningful change.  

 

References 

Carty-Williams, C. (2020). Publishers want more black authors. Why have they silenced us for so long? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/jun/11/publishers-want-more-black-authors-why-have-they-silenced-us-for-so-long  

Chimamanda, A. (2009). The danger of a single story. (video). TED Talk. https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story 

Indira, R. (2020). Lending voices to the marginalised: the power of narratives as alternative sociological discourses, 69(1), 7-16. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/0038022919898999

This article was written by: Noor Etienne-Richards

The ability to vote (freely, equally, and accessibly) is the cornerstone of democracy in the UK. It allows people of all ages, genders, races, and socio-economic backgrounds to have a voice, and contribute to the change they want to see in the society around them.  The more people that vote, the more representative and reflective changes in society and the government will be. Each individual vote gives weight to important societal changes, policies, and laws. It can be the difference between feeling supported by the government or feeling insignificant and alienated by society.  Furthermore, voting redistributes power into the hands of the people, it enables us to hold those ‘at the top’ accountable, and to engage with issues ‘we’ feel are vital, whether that be surrounding climate change, education, human rights, immigration, the economy and much more.  This article was written to promote ‘London Voter Registration Week’ (LVRW) from the 18th-24th September 2023 and aims to highlight the importance of voting, by encouraging everyone to register to vote, especially ‘under-registered and under-represented Londoners’.

Without representative voting, a small minority group is given power to shape society in a way that impacts society. Whether that be positively or negatively – these are the voices that represent us all.  There is a plethora of data that demonstrates a negative relationship between particular social demographics and the number of completed electoral voting registrations and voting rates. This is particularly true in London, which has one of the lowest voter registration rates across the United Kingdom (Mayor of London, 2022). Individuals from ethnic minority groups are slightly less likely to register to vote and to vote, than their White British counterparts. Statistics on the percentage of those who have completed voting registration are 84% for white ethnic groups, and 75% for Black ethnic groups (with Black Africans being the least likely), furthermore, in many South Asian and Chinese ethnic groups, women are significantly less likely to vote than men (Uberoi & Johnston, 2022).  Additionally, individuals living in socio-economically deprived areas are also less likely to register to vote and to vote, which often stems from feelings of isolation from the mainstream political sphere. Some other demographics that have low levels of voter registration include those from LGBTQ+ communities (particularly trans and non-binary individuals) and those who are deaf and disabled.

Young people between the ages of 18-25 are some of the least likely to vote, based on polling data from the general election in 2019, only 54% of young people voted, compared to a much larger, 77% of people aged 65 and over (Uberoi & Johnston, 2022).  Young people (of any race, class, gender, sexual orientation, etc.) specifically have the potential to eliminate, what many academics deem the ‘crisis of representative democracy’ through registering to vote and engaging with the world around them.  A common myth based on the perception of these statistics is that young people are apathetic, indifferent or are just not enthusiastic about politics and society however, this could not be further from the truth. This idea is heavily dependent on how one measures political participation, when purely focused on voting, rates amongst young people are low, however, there is evidence of young people participating politically in other ways such as signing charitable petitions, donating to charity, volunteering and discussing political opinions online (EACEA, 2013). This sends the clear message that young people care about their communities, so why don’t they vote?

A key reason for this is based on these groups often being systematically excluded from politics through poverty, socio-economic marginalisation, and a lack of opportunities for political competence. Therefore, it is important to spread awareness about voting, to gradually remove the many daunting voting barriers in place for many young people and marginalised communities. It can be a complex task to navigate the world of voter registration, questions such as, ‘Am I allowed to vote?’ and ‘How do I register to vote?’ can deter many young people from voting, but all this information can be easily found here  – https://www.gov.uk/register-to-vote. Another important reason for low voting levels amongst young people is an intrinsic distrust of the government, and the feeling that even if they did vote, no one would truly listen. Recent data shows that only 23% of people say they trust the government to put the interests of the people first (British Social Attitudes, 2020). Although it is valid to feel this way, not voting can perpetuate a never-ending cycle of marginalisation and isolation. By not voting, important opinions and perspectives are not considered, thus there is the potential for laws and policies to be made which will not consider the impact on everyone in society. Registering to vote marks the beginning of an important journey of speaking out and showing who and what you support and oppose.

At its core, empowering communities is at the heart of democracy. By registering to vote, young people take on the rewarding opportunity to shape and strengthen their community on a political and local level, not only for themselves but for future generations. An interesting study by Settle, Bond and Levitt, found that meaningful connection to one’s community not only shapes a person’s journey through adolescence but also their political participation and has positive implications on one’s role in society (Settle, Bond, & Levitt, 2011).  Thus, this is an incentive for young people to register to vote, not only will you positively shape the world around you, you will also help to create a generation of adolescents who are eager to have a political voice.  The research by Settle et al, also puts a responsibility on us all, to create communities and environments which ensure all under-represented communities feel comfortable and confident in sharing their voice and registering to vote.

 

FRED is a youth-led campaign that aims to enforce the restorative justice values of ‘Fairness – Respect – Equality – Dignity’ (FRED). The FRED campaign supports our vision to build the first restorative justice postcode in SE16 through social action in the form of blogs, campaigning, and providing high-quality volunteering opportunities for young people.

For more information, please go to:

www.gov.uk/register-to-vote

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/voter-identification-faqs

https://www.gov.uk/how-to-vote/postal-voting

https://www.gov.uk/apply-for-photo-id-voter-authority-certificate

 

British Social Attitudes. (2020). Democracy: Brexit, the pandemic and trust and confidence in government. London: The National Centre for Social Research. Retrieved from British Social Attitudes.

EACEA. (2013). Youth Participation in Democratic Life: Final Report. London: LSE Enterprise Limited.

Mayor of London. (2022). Survey of Londoners 2021-22: Headline findings. London: Greater London Authority.

Settle, J., Bond, R., & Levitt, J. (2011). The Social Origins of Adult Political Behavior. American Politics Research 39(2), 239-263.

Uberoi, E., & Johnston, N. (2022). Political disengagement in the UK: Who is disengaged? House of Commons Library.

 

This article was written by: Lorenzo Izzi

 

In a world in which the entire human knowledge is available from a device in our pocket, the risk of over-simplification is around the corner regarding the news. The main objective of this article is to give an overview of the attempted military coup in Russia by the Wagner group, by giving a holistic explanation of the event. It will therefore start by giving a context to the Wagner group, explaining its origin, its fit into the power structure in Russia, and its role in Russian military operations, including the invasion of Ukraine, and it will create a guide to understand future events as the tension is likely not to stop here.

 

Yevgeny Prigozhin and the Wagner group, origin and goals

Wagner is a self-defined “private military company” (PMC) that acts in close ties with the Kremlin, the building in which the president of Russia resides. However, its private nature gives it a special role in Russian military operations. It is not known precisely when this company started to exist, but its first international appearance was in the first stage of the Ukraine invasion in 2014 (when a dispute over Donbass and Crimea was settled). After that, Wagner is reported to have assisted Russian military operations in Syria, Venezuela and various parts of Africa. Since we don’t know much about the origins of Wagner from the literature, we need to draw on the sanctions imposed by the European Union, in which Wagner’s founder is identified with Dmitry Utkin, “a former Russian soldier adorned with Nazi tattoos” (The Economist”). The economist reports he allegedly named Wagner after Richard Wagner, Adolf Hitler’s favourite composer.

However, as with every project, the Wagner group needed funds and that is where Prigozhin becomes relevant. Prigozhin started his career in the food sector, holding many restaurants and organising diplomatic meals for President Putin and the head of states that visited Russia over time. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, he took advantage of the wave of privatisations that Russia was undertaking to save its real economy and got involved in various businesses in the 90s that granted him a place of power in the Russian economic system. Nonetheless, it is widely believed that the role of Prigozhin in the Wagner Group was very lucrative at the very start, as he managed to take possession of oil fields in Syria and diamond reserves in Africa through Wagner and the involvement of his businesses (The Economist). Various violations of human rights have been reported by the Wagner Group as well, such as violence towards civilians and harassment towards peacekeepers and aid workers (Office of the high commissioner for Human Rights in the United Nations)

 

Wagner and the Russian military

Before putting into context the role of Wagner in Ukraine, and subsequently the causes of the rebellion, it is worth reflecting on the nature of the Russian state very briefly. In fact, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, a few portions of the population took advantage of the political situation and became extremely rich and powerful, including Prigozhin. These groups of people, usually referred to as the Russian oligarchs, therefore control certain sectors of the Russian economy and, as already stated, Prigozhin controls a very big part of the food industry in Russia. Most of these oligarchs want to maintain their wealth for as long as possible and they conveyed that the best way to do so is to support Putin’s regime, providing security in exchange for power. It is vital to understand that the power of Putin’s regime therefore comes from the legitimisation of the oligarchs, and that is why Wagner’s rebellion has been quite noisy in the news, as in the past oligarchs or influential people opposing Putin’s regime have not managed to undertake any concrete action and were often found dead in mysterious circumstances. However, this time Prigozhin, having behind this big network of private militaries and mercenaries who are not the direct dependencies of the Kremlin, and taking advantage of the involvement of the Russian regular army in Ukraine, managed to take control of Rostov-on-Don quite easily and start to move towards Moscow. This historic event in the Russian Federation is already relevant per se, but understanding where this comes from will help us to assess its importance for Russia, Ukraine, NATO and the West as a whole.

Wagner is deeply involved in the war in Ukraine, as it has fought in Bakhmut, determining the outcome of the battle (The Economist). Meduza, a Russian news agency based abroad and opposed to Putin’s government, reports that Wagner has been the most terrifying Russian military division for Ukrainians, as its determination, power and cruelty have been of great problems for the Ukrainian army (Meduza). Therefore, his high involvement in the battlefield in one of the most embarrassing wars for Russia in terms of military losses and outcomes made Prigozhin aware of battlefield issues amongst soldiers that weren’t necessarily clear to the Kremlin, such as the need for ammunition for the Russian military, especially in light of the heroic Ukrainian counter-offensive. Therefore, Prigozhin, which is protected by his private army, started to make some noise in the previous weeks to get what he wanted from the Russian minister of defence. A few days ago, though, what he received was a minefield on his way back to Wagner military camp in Ukraine and allegedly Russian planes striking over Wagner.

Another point to raise is that the Russian army receives orders directly from the minister of defence in Russia, Sergei Shoigu, which at that moment was in Rostov-on-Don; therefore, Prigozhin’s anger was likely directed at Shoigu as well and therefore the main reason why he headed to Rostov was to have his head with his own private military company. In addition to that, Wagner has been ordered to stop being a private military company and to be fully integrated into the Russian army, under the control of Shoigu himself. 

Looking at Prigozhin’s words themselves, it is clear that he was aiming to cut off Shoigu’s power more than anything else as that constitutes a fundamental threat to his control of this PMC and his wealth; however, he never mentioned Putin in his speeches. At this point, while the world was looking at the news to understand what was happening in Moscow, Prigozhin suddenly stopped his move and headed to Belarus after the mediation of the president of Belarus Lukashenko, who somehow managed to convince Wagner to stop there. Although the reasons for this withdrawal are not yet clear, there are some things that this event helped us to understand.

 

Lessons to understand any future event.

The first and most obvious lesson we might derive from this event is that Putin’s regime is weak, as a PMC managed to march within 200km from Moscow practically without any resistance, a dissident oligarch managed to threaten the status quo, and most importantly, he managed to tell Russian people the reality about the war. It is important to understand that, in Russia, information is controlled by the government, and the narratives about the causes of the war are not quite the real ones. 

To justify the war in Ukraine, Putin claimed that NATO and Ukraine were planning an invasion of Russia and therefore by attacking first, the Russian Federation would have made sure that this could have never happened. He also stated that he wanted to de-nazify Ukraine as Russia once managed (during the Soviet Union era), with the biggest “patriotic war”, as it is now called in Russia. However, Prigozhin, the day before the rebellion, released a short video in which he stated that these reasons were lies that high-ranked Russian officials and people in power were telling the world, providing detailed evidence for that. He said that Russia doesn’t believe in the mission of de-Nazifying Ukraine, as Russia released a big number of members of the Azov group (a part of the Ukrainian army that is usually associated with right-wing ideas) in exchange for Medvedchuck, a former Ukrainian pro-Russia MP who was supposed to become the new president of Ukraine if the murder of Zelensky took place. In that video, which was released on the 24th of June 2023, what we can notice is a powerful and influential man, who is somewhat expert on battlefields as well, accusing high-ranked generals and politicians to be “bastards that sent Russians to die because they wanted glory”. Using this rhetoric in Russia is quite unusual and dangerous, and the fact the entire Wagner went away without consequences and that fighting did not take place are all signs of weakness by the Russian state. This means that negotiations had to happen with the mediation of Belarus because Russian elites knew that they were not powerful enough to fight Wagner and the casualties would have been way too high, especially considering the war in Ukraine. The Russian government wouldn’t have had any problem undertaking a bloodshed in the street of Moscow if they thought it was worth it (if we think about the number of casualties amongst the Russian oligarchs that opposed the war in Ukraine we can presume that the Kremlin is not worried about sending killers to murder those who are aligned), therefore the fact that this did not happen and that all charges against Prigozhin were dropped, means that the Russian government is well aware of its weakness.

For Ukraine, this is good news, as it means that with the counter-offensive, which started a few days before the rebellion, and Russian weakness and confusion, they will be able to push back them even more and foster those kinds of rebellions inside Russia even more. As President Zelensky stated, victory for Ukraine means conquering back the entire land that was occupied, but to do so, the strategy is to push back the Russian military and politically, creating discontent. Therefore, the Wagner rebellion might be the first sign that the implemented strategy will be successful in the long term.